Showing posts with label Werner Herzog. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Werner Herzog. Show all posts

Monday, 29 July 2024

Sixty Years of International Art Cinema 1960-2020 - Bruce Hodsdon continues his series - 6 (29) West German Cinema Part Five - The New German Cinema: Enter Fassbinder

Rainer Werner Fassbinder

Rainer Werner Fassbinder (1946-82) was the only child of a broken middle-class family (his father a doctor, his mother a translator). He remembered family life as ‘rather chaotic’, lacking in the rules and regulations of middle-class life. The house contained ‘nothing but literature and art’. After his parent’s divorce in 1951 Fassbinder stayed with his mother. He was left very much to his own devices and his mother sent him off to the cinema so that she could work. This childhood loneliness and longing for love and affection left a mark on the characters in his films. His first feature was titled Love is Colder than Death  and was followed by a 1976 feature, I Only Want You to Love Me. From the age of seven he claimed to have spent every day of his childhood at the cinema. Hollywood genres were a benchmark for Fassbinder’s career as a filmmaker. His early education was at the Rudolf Steiner School (Sandford).

In the summer of 1967 Fassbinder joined one of Munich’s fringe theatre groups, where he acted in, directed, then wrote adaptations of various plays. “The ‘action theatre’ was very much of its time, anarchic, subversive and critical, reflecting and reacting to the events of the day” (ibid 64). Fassbinder acted in a play directed by Jean-Marie Straub appearing as one of the underground post-Brechtian theatre group in Straub’s short film The Bridegroom, the Actress and the Pimp (1968). The authorities closed the Action Theatre because it had exceeded the grounds of its original permit being seen to have entered the realm of a ‘political cabaret’ contrary to the ‘predominantly artistic’ activities stipulated in its permit (ibid). Members of the Action Theatre regrouped and finally found a new home the following year. They performed two of their plays in monotone acting style on stage with minimal furniture. Using some of their theatre ideas the group made Fassbinder’s ‘gangster trilogy’ and  Katzelmacher plus two other feature films in 14 months,1969-70.

Fassbinder (l) 
The Bridegroom, The Actress and the Pimp

In 
The Bridegroom…, Jean-Marie Straub applied an austere aesthetic on Ferdinand Bruckner’s 1926 play ‘Sickness of Youth’. Straub said that in paring down the film version of the play from two hours to an 8 minutes narration he removed all explanatory psychology, deliberately eliminating all theatricality.  Expanded into a 23 min. triptych collage leaving only the relations between elements in the play, was intended as a contribution to the debate on the relationship between theatre and film ( Maureen Turim 342, Phillips ed. ).

Kovacs devotes a whole chapter of ‘Screening Modernism’ to the impact of theatrical style in late modern European art cinema coinciding with the parallel theatrical activities of many modernist directors evidenced in an exaggerated, unnatural, abstract acting style, an artificiality in conjunction with sets and expressive lighting.  In the New German Cinema this theatricality was pronounced in films directed by Herzog and especially Syberberg. Fassbinder’s style is hard to define, marked by theatre in many varied ways beginning with an artificial pastiche of the gangster genre in some of his early films. Kovacs notes that Fassbinder first adapted pastiche to some real life experience in Fear Eats the Soul.

Notes on four select features of Fassbinder’s entry into feature filmmaking 1969-71 follow.

Kovács describes as the “peculiar minimalist style” of Fassbinder’s second feature Katzelmacher (1969) - and also his first feature, Love is Colder than Death -  a mixture in the former of dispassionate Straubian theatricality and Antonionian long take style with no movement at all of figures in the bleached out empty space of white walls. This is in contrast to his later films in which “theatrical and motivational saturation takes over” (159).

Fassbinder, Hanna Schygulla,
Katzelmacher

Katzelmacher 
is an explicitly social-critical film which deals with the problem of the ‘Gastarbeiter’, the plight of the immigrant worker in Germany for whom Fassbinder had an affinity. The film’s title is a Bavarian colloquialism referring especially to the supposed sexual potency of southern Europeans. The film sets off the experiences of a Greek Gastarbeiter, Jorgos, against the suspicion, intolerance, and antipathy of four young German couples towards him. Katzelmacher is regarded as containing the most sustained deployment of alienation devices in any Fassbinder film. The characters rarely face each other when they speak. The choreography and circularity in repetition of the couples’ movement in the static long takes to a popular Schubert melody, underlines the boredom and one dimensionality in their lives.

Tony Pipolo describes Katzelmacher as “a textbook case of minimalist cinema within the modernist tradition.” As an example of a reflexive narrative film it “epitomizes Fassbinder’s position with respect to traditional narrative and avant garden cinemas.”  Its thematics on the futility of hope, the immobility of youth and perpetuation of the status quo also reappear in Fassbinder’s subsequent films (97). “It is precisely the form of the parable/allegory which Katzelmacher offers more directly and with more purity than any other Fassbinder film” (ibid).

Filmmaker, critic and friend of Fassbinder, Christian Braad Thomsen, identifies Katzelmacher as the first of his ‘bourgeois films’, as Fassbinder called them, in contrast to his ‘cinema films’. “What is ‘bourgeois’ is not the films, but the world they describe and criticise” (78). Katzelmacher ends with “two of the principal characters formulating their ideas about a way out of the milieu that threatens to suffocate them. If one were to define these sketchy dreams in political terms, then one points in a fascist direction. Erich sees the army as a way out and the possibility of change.” The other is anarchistic, “Marie dreams of a country without the concept of property where love is pure and beautiful.” Thomsen suggests that “simply and without moralizing, Fassbinder indicates the two paths we can choose, and in his future films he repeatedly tried to show the necessity and possibility of the second way” (82).

Margarethe von Trotta, The American Soldier

The last of Fassbinder’s gangster trilogy, his sixth feature,
The American Soldier (1970), has been described as his “most perfect film” (ibid 71). It brings together more artistically the themes in the preceding two [gangster] films” and “masters the difficult balancing act between pastiche and parody, so that it becomes something quite different, a strangely poetic film with a characteristic austere and brutal tenderness” (ibid 74).  Fassbinder is clearly not interested in telling a story but rather setting up a series of iconic situations. “The theme is that violence is an expression of frustrated love.” Another of the themes coming through more clearly is “that police and gangsters belong to the same breed and have the same trade.” Thomsen sums up that The American Soldier is not merely referring to American genre models but “looks forward to the later complete and harmonious works which sprang from Fassbinder’s creative rage and which obstinately stuck to the path already laid out” (ibid).

 Wiegand notes that after Katzelmacher, Fassbinder’s style showed little development for several years while he constantly borrowed from different film genres (25). A significant film in the development of his oeuvre is Warnung for miner heilgen Nutte / Beware of a Holy Whore, his ninth feature, one of seven Fassbinder completed in 1970 including four tv productions “marking the end of the obsessively personal style characteristic of Fassbinder’s early films and paving the way for a more objectified  treatment of subject matter (Kuhn, Phillips ed. 88).  As an actively self-conscious film about filmmaking  although it could be said to be more about frustrations, mainly sexual, within the group while waiting for the arrival of the director halfway through so filming could begin.

Eddie Constantine, Hanna Schygulla
Beware of a Holy Whore

Beware of a Holy Whore 
is one of four such films made by European auteurs beginning with Godard’s Le Mépris (1963), then Truffaut’s La nuit Américaine / Day for Night (1973), and culminating in Wim Wenders’ The State of Things (1981) “a meditation on the state of the art” which ends with an independent German filmmaker being killed on a Hollywood street reflecting Wenders’ state of mind following his legendary difficulties over the completion of his Coppola produced Hammett(1982). Bluntly autobiographical of the breakdown during the filming of his previous film, Whity,  Fassbinder’s film, Thomsen suggests, is close to Truffaut’s with “cinema seen as a ‘holy whore’ which stands between the characters involved and the reality beyond the film production” (94).

Fassbinder’s first 11 features were produced under the Action Theatre label “which in its most literal sense was intended to advertise the blatant anti-illusionist, anti-theatrical posture assumed by Fassbinder and his acting company prior to the more commercial enterprise beginning with The Merchant of Four Seasons. The action theatre idea was to create “a sort of commune” in which everyone concerned […] was basically an author.” But Fassbinder himself declared later that this ideal was utopian and that works of art are inevitably created in an authoritarian manner ( Wilfried Wiegand interview quoted Pipolo fn p.95). The deliberately self-conscious gestures in these early films, along with their freewheeling stylistic references to prototypical Hollywood films, were perfectly consistent with the “reflexive posture.” Clearly, Fassbinder’s subsequent desire to reach a large audience necessitated relinquishing such a posture and the adoption of a more mimetic style consistent with the priorities of narrative cinema (ibid). Pipolo notes that "with Katzelmacher and In a Year of Thirteen Moons (1978) Fassbinder came close to creating alternative forms of narrative” (94).

Fassbinder’s twelfth feature directed (also written) by Fassbinder in 18 months, Der Handler der vier Jahreszeiten / The Merchant of Four Seasons (1971) based on a true story from his own family, was his first popular success with German audiences. Fassbinder regarded it a turning point in his career, less self absorbed, more objective story telling. For the first time, Kuhn notes (ibid p.90), psychology plays a part in characterisation and there is character development.  Hans Epp, a street vendor, is a typical Fassbinder hero; he meets betrayal and defeat at every turn, from the beginning subject to an oppressive mother. Fassbinder makes Hans something of a modern everyman, “ the story of almost everyone I know has lived himself […] Epp wishes to make something of his life but his education, his environment, his circumstances don’t admit fulfilment of his dream” (Fassbinder).  This indicates  an important shift in the filmmaker’s  perspective. “No longer preeminently the projected working through of his own anxieties, the film with its mimetic orientation, has a broader audience appeal” (ibid 91).

Hans Hirschmuller, Irm Hermann
The Merchant of Four Seasons

Fassbinder’s first film after his encounter with Douglas Sirk’s films is replete with stock melodramatic figures and plot developments but without pushing the melodrama to the point of parody instead “redefining melodrama as social parable […] finding ways to convert them into sophisticated, witty, and elegant entertainments” (Pipolo 126). 
Merchant succeeds, in good part, because of its melodrama allowing Fassbinder to introduce strong emotions into his films with a resonance missing in his previous work, creating sympathy for Hans rather then empathy. Following a Brechtian legacy of distancing he embeds Hans Epps’ story archetypically in the sociopolitical context of Germany in the 50s (Kuhn 92). Fassbinder’s second deployment of Sirkian melodrama followed in Angst essen Seele auf / Ali : Fear Eats the Soul (1973) in which he applies stylisation for heightened emotionalism inspired by Sirk’s All That Heaven Allows to the story of a real life relationship he found in a newspaper - that between a Turkish immigrant worker and an older woman.

Feature Films by Fassbinder 1969-73  following John Sandford’s groupings with month of film premiere included;  * indicates cinema release.

1. Echoes of Hollywood: The Gangster Trilogy  Love is Colder than Death (June 69)*,  Gods of the Plague (July 70)*, The American Soldier (Nov 70)*

2. Stylisation & Realism  Katzelmacher (Nov 69)*  Why Does Herr R Run Amok?  (Feb 71)*

3. !970 the Year of Experiment  The Coffee House (May 70 tv), The Journey to Niklahausen  (Oct 70 tv), Rio das Mortes  (Feb 71 tv),  Pioneers of the Ingolstadt (May 71 tv ),  Whity (July 71),   Beware of a Holy Whore ( Aug 71)

4. Breakthrough with the German Public The Merchant of Four Seasons (Mar 72)*, The Bitter Tears of Petra Von Kant (Oct 72)*. Fassbinder’s international breakthrough was with Fear Eats the Soul  (March 74)*

Concerning Fassbinder’s project of stretching the notion of German history beyond 1933-45, as Thomas Elsaesser points out (268), if one considers 7 feature films and a tv series he made in the decade 1971-81 “not in the order they were made but in the chronology of the periods they depict, the scope and wealth of characters and situations, of stories, types and people is astounding.“  Beginning with the Prussian aristocracy in the 1890s in Effi Briest; proletarian life in the growing capital of the Reich, Berlin, 1922-29, in Berlin Alexanderplatz;  the rise of Fascism amongst the wealthy middle class, 1932-5, in Despair ; the career of a nightclub singer among upper echelons of the Nazi Party between several cities in Lilli Marleen; the economic miracle in the Cologne area, 1945-53, in The Marriage of Maria Braun; the Adenauer years and local politics,1955-8, in Lola ; show business, drugs and Munich high-life in the mid-50s in Veronica Voss; petty bourgeois family life in the Munich suburbs around 1960 in The Merchant of Four Seasons.  Other films, such as The Third Generation and In the Year of Thirteen Moons, continue this history up to the mid- and late 70s.

Elsaesser concludes that Fassbinder, in contrast to Kluge and Syberberg, “made a decision to use narrative to tell stories in his reckoning with German history: to opt, in other words, for the illusion of realism, heightened by stylisation and artifice, and to go for this version of history to the cinema itself” (269). Fassbinder (as quoted by Mark Cousins in ‘The Story of Film’) puts it succinctly : “The ideal is to make films as beautiful as America’s but to move the content to other areas.”

Werner Herzog

While Fassbinder was making his move from writing and directing for fringe theatre and low budget features, 
Werner Herzog had, at the Berlin Film Festival, received the Silver Bear for his first feature - Lebenszeichen / Signs of Life (1967) gently focused on a stunted Romantic visionary - a German soldier with two others guarding a useless ammunition dump on a Greek island during World War II - who hears voices in the ground. Herzog subsequently authored the startlingly original put-downs of human aspiration marked by ascendingly ironic chapter headings in the visionary non-narrative, Fata Morgana (1968), filmed in the Sahara, full of ideas quoted in subsequent films. Even Dwarfs Started Small (1970) is a grotesque ‘Bunuelian’ tale of a revolt by dwarfs “in an institution whose director is absent, like Pascal’s God” (Brigette Peucker, Philips ed.).  

Wim Wenders directed six short films and a diploma feature, Summer in the City (1970) centred on a man newly released from prison on a failed search for former friends travelling from one wintry city to the next, “locomotion and music [the film is dedicated to the Kinks] shown as the only possible source of human contact.” Wenders called it “a film about depression.“  His critical breakthrough came out of his friendship with writer Peter Handke who wrote the script for The Goalkeeper’s Fear of the Penalty Kick (1971) based on his novel.

Wim Wenders

Bloch, a goalkeeper feeling his age, walks out on a game in Vienna then hanging around, commits an arbitrary murder, and in a vague attempt to flee Bloch ends up in an Austrian border village “sustained only by his love for American movies and rock music.” What appears to be shaping as a murder-thriller works against all expectations. Tony Rayns in ‘Time Out’ noted the sense in which “everything shown is at once subjective and objective,” in this respect outdoing even the first of Wenders’ road movie trilogy, 
Alice in the Cities (1974), thematically involving a burnt out journalist’s loss of faith in words. Jan Dawson notes a further achievement of Wenders in his films “using dialogue as form rather than content.”

Both the above observations deserve more elaboration in relation to Dawson’s further reference to Wenders’ films as “totally lacking in aggression.” In their pacing and perspective, is “the vision of an incongruous universe in which the human characters [free of psychological explanation] are seldom the most interesting item on the screen, the emphasis on the language of gesture rather than on dialogue - all these leave Wenders through the 70s closer to Ozu than the convention of Hollywood narrative,” the action film facade of The American Friend (1977) notwithstanding.

Wenders in an interview with Jan Dawson spoke of having Goalkeeper  “completely rejected any idea of […] psychological explanation of anything[…] already […] a very important break from American cinema,” something which he appreciated when he later saw Ozu films sensing a soulmate who earlier in his career had also been strongly influenced by American films while nevertheless retaining and developing his own style. Wenders debt to Ozu, it is suggested, was not a particular style or method - he had been using Ozu-like techniques before ever seeing an Ozu film- but rather “learning to trust his own vision” (Kathe Geist essay, Phillips ed. 387). Wenders said that he found that his own ideas of cinema were the same as Ozu’s : “his way of telling stories was so absolutely representational.”

Hans-Jurgen Syberberg

In 1968, after a decade of making mainly short documentaries for Bavarian television, for want of any opportunities in the film industry,
 Hans-Jurgen Syberberg made his first feature film, How Much Earth Does a Man Need? (1968), based on a Tolstoy short story in which Syberberg pays more attention to a series of images with mythic associations than to a coherent plot. The three main films prior to Syberberg’s magnum opus are built around key figures in modern German consciousness: King Ludwig II of Bavaria, the popular author Karl May, and Adolf Hitler. Hitler : a Film for Germany  (1977) is “a bewildering symphony of ideas, impressions, sights, sounds, and emotions” running 7 hours. In again creating the film’s own form through a series of images with mythic connections and operatic theatricality to replace a coherent plot, Syberberg marked his final rejection of Hollywood cinema still dominant in Germany (ibid 364).

Ula Stockl

The Cat has Nine Lives 
(1968), the first feature by Ula Stockl, was funded by a grant from the Kuratorium after she had made shorts as a student of Kluge (she was his assistant on Yesterday Girl) and Reitz at the newly formed Ulm Film institute. Cat was ahead of the times as a harbinger for the full emergence of women’s filmmaking in Germany in the early to mid 70s in which Stockl participated with a series of medium length dramas for tv thematically linked around issues connected with affective relationships culminating with Erika’s Passions (1976) and A Woman with Responsibility (1977).

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Geoffrey Nowell-Smith ed. History of World Cinema “The New German Cinema” (Anton Kaes) 

Anton Kaes  From Hitler to Heimat 1989 

John Sandford The New German Cinema 1981 

Peter C Lutze  Alexander Kluge The Last Modernist 1998 

Karyn Kay  “Part-Time Work of a Domestic Slave” review  Film Quarterly Fall 1975 

Timothy Corrigan New German Film 1983;  essay New German Critique Winter 1990 Klaus Phillips ed. New German Filmmakers 1984 : essays on 26 filmmakers incl. Reitz by Ingrid Scheib-Rothbart & Ruth McCormick, Schlondorff & von Trotta by Christian-Albrecht Gollub  

Thomas  Elsaesser  New German Cinema A History 1989 

Stuart Liebman   “Why Kluge?”   October 46  Fall 1988 issue devoted to Kluge

Heide Schlussmann  “Women and Femininity in the Films of Alexander Kluge 

Tony Rayns ed. Fassbinder BFI 1976  essays by Elsaesser (“Vicious Circles”), Rayns (“Syntax”)

Christian  Braad Thomsen  Fassbinder  Life and Work of a Provocative Genius 1991                                    

 Wilfried Wiegand “Interview with Rainer Werner Fassbinder” in Fassbinder  1981

Tony Pipolo “Bewitched by the Holy Whore”  October 21 Summer 1982                                                       

 Jan Dawson  Entry on Wim Wenders in Cinema a Critical Dictionary  vol.2  ed.R. Roud 1980 ; interview with Wenders, New York Zoetrope  1976

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Previous entries in this series can be found if you click the following links

 

Sixty Years of International Art Cinema: 1960-2020 - Tables and Directors Lists to Accompany Bruce Hodsdon's Series

 

Notes on canons, methods, national cinemas and more

 

Part One - Introduction

Part Two - Defining Art Cinema

Part Three - From Classicism to Modernism

Part Four - Authorship and Narrative

Part Five - International Film Guide Directors of the Year, The Sight and Sound World Poll, Art-Horror

Part Six (1) - The Sixties, the United States and Orson Welles

Part Six (2) - Hitchcock, Romero and Art Horror

Part Six (3) - New York Film-makers - Elia Kazan & Shirley Clarke  

Part Six (4) - New York Film-makers - Stanley Kubrick Creator of Forms

Part Six (5) ‘New Hollywood’ (1) - Arthur Penn, Warren Beatty, Pauline Kael and BONNIE AND CLYDE

Part Six (6) Francis Ford Coppola: Standing at the crossroads of art and industry

Part 6(7) Altman

6(8) Great Britain - Joseph Losey, Lindsay Anderson, Karel Reisz, Richard Lester, Peter Watkins, Barney Platts-Mills

6(9) France - Part One The New Wave and The Cahiers du Cinema Group

6(10) France - Part Two - The Left Bank/Rive Gauche Group and an Independent

6(11) France - Part Three - Young Godard

6(12) France - Part Four - Godard:Visionary and Rebel

6 (13) France Part 5 Godard with Gorin, Miéville : Searching for an activist voice

6(14) France Part 6 - Creator of Forms - Bresson 

6 (15) France Part 6 - Creator of Forms - Jacques Tati

 6 (16) - Part 6 - Creator of Forms - Carl Th Dreyer

6 (17) - Italy and Luchino Visconti

6(18 - Italy and Roberto Rossellini - Part One

6(19) - Rossellini, INDIA and the new Historical realism

6(20) - Rossellini in Australia

6 (21) - Italy - Michelangelo Antonioni

6 (22) - Italy - Federico Fellini, Ermanno Olmi

6 (23) - Italy - Pasolini, Rosi

6 (24) - Interregnum - Director/Auteur/Autoren

6 (25) West Germany

6 (26) - Alexander Kluge Part One

6 (27) - Alexander Kluge Part Two

6 (28) - The Young German Cinema: Reitz, Schlondorff, von Trotta

Saturday, 8 June 2024

Sixty Years of International Art Cinema 1960-2020 - Bruce Hodsdon continues his series - 6 (25) West Germany


Alexander Kluge (1932- ), Edgar Reitz (1932-), Jean-Marie Straub (1933-2022) & Danièle Huillet* (1936-2006), Volker Schlöndorff (An International Film Guide Director of the Year, 1982) (1939-), Werner Herzog (IFG, 1979) (1942-), Rainer Werner Fassbinder (IFG, 1975) (1946-1982), Wim Wenders (IFG, 1980) (1942-)

Part 1 - Young Cinema ‘Breakthrough’

The most striking aspect of the revival of West German cinema in the 60s was the way the international success of Herzog, Fassbinder, Wenders and to a lesser extent of Schlöndorff, especially in the US, obscured recognition of their presence in Europe’s domestic markets. Focussed on the issues of the status of ‘Kulture’ raised by the revival of independent filmmaking in Germany promoted as ‘Autorenfilm’ (q.v.) partly on a competitive basis almost entirely dependent on public funding, and partly sustained by collaboration with broadcast television, a lead increasingly followed by other counties such as Italy and France. In Germany the TV/film alliance brought about a gradual change in independent filmmaking away from the idea of mass entertainment pursued by Hollywood but also distinct from television’s notion of family entertainment (Elsaesser 1).

Alexander Kluge

Thomas Elsaesser in the introduction to his book, ‘New German Cinema’, identifies two basic models available when writing about ‘national’ cinemas or ‘new’ film movements concentrating either on individual (art film) directors, or on specific themes and genres placed in the context of a general survey of landmarks and turning points.  The former is the approach taken for structuring purposes in this series within the conceptual framework of the notion of a global art cinema introduced in part 2, “Art Cinema: A Matter of Definition’ (q.v.).

                                                                          ****

In the Eastern Zone of divided post-war Germany the USSR allowed the film industry to flourish. The Western allies, especially the Americans, were more wary, seeing the need for the Germans to be carefully screened for dangerous influences from their past and then 're-educated' in the ways of democracy. A great backlog of English language movies flooded in, dubbed into German and screened at reduced prices. The centralised film industry monopoly left by the Nazis was broken up. The remaining producers and distributors were often too small to withstand the competition from Hollywood. However, the giant pre-war conglomerate UFA managed to survive in different guises despite attempts to dismantle it. The East German cinema went its own way in the service of the new communist state. 

In West Germany the 'economic miracle' in the 50s created boom conditions for locally produced escapism: the sentimental Heimatfilme, period 'Sissi' films set in Austria, romantic comedies, films celebrating the lives of great men, thrillers and Karl May westerns. However, post-war West German cinema had difficulty establishing its identity. “The prospect of change seemed remote; by several accounts, more than half of all production personnel active in 1960 had been Nazi party members during the war” (Liebman). 

Rainer Werner Fassbinder

Anton Kaes in “From Hitler to Heimat’ comments : “the cinema of the Adenauer and Erhard era functioned as a dream world fulfilling the desires for a healthy Germany, for beautiful German landscapes and naive but noble German people” (14). The general paralysis of inspiration and talent in the industry did not stand in the way of a boom in attendance and production financed by government credit,1950-56, but by the end of the decade the boom had ended, hastened by the arrival of television. The ‘Kulture’ issue ran deeper. In 1961 the organisers of the Venice Film festival rejected all West German entries and the Federal Film prize given annually at home went unawarded.

Commercial cinema attendances in Germany plunged by 75 per cent, 1956-62, as the number of TV sets in households increased more than tenfold.  The industry crisis provided the opportunity at the Oberhausen Festival for Short Films in 1962. Twenty-six young would-be film-makers, writers and artists delivered a manifesto in an innovative show of unity declaring their “right to create a new German feature film while proclaiming the death of the old.” Their primary aim at this stage was to change the mode of production not exhibition which was dominated by chain cinemas. They pointed to the number of awards German short films had received at international film festivals.  Among the signatories was Alexander Kluge who was later to make the first German film by the newly established 'Kuratorium Junger Deutscher Film' (Young German Film) founded in1967, its formation being the most tangible outcome from the proposals put in the Oberhausen Manifesto. 

There are discontinuities between the films following Oberhausen and those of the New German Cinema in terms of the politics of filmmaking, as well as in terms of style and subject matter. “What does, superficially at least, unite the Young and New German Cinema is a militant platform around the concept of “Autorenfilm’ (cinema of authors)”, a complex, contradictory term “undergoing many a sea-change in the course of its twenty-year history” (Elsaesser 2).

Volker Schlondorff

“Far from being a sign of organised group activity, the Manifesto in fact constituted virtually the total of that activity; united only in their frustrations and ambitions, its signatories lacked any common plan of campaign” (Jan Dawson ‘Sight & Sound Winter 1980/1, 14). Dawson further points out that the Manifesto was an attempt at a consensus statement drafted by a committee for what was envisaged as a new German cinema free of industry conventions, commercial influences, and control by interest groups.

Edgar Reitz described how they were inspired by what had happened in the French cinema: the nouvelle vague and the slogan “le cinéma de papa est mort.”  Green stickers carrying the slogan “Papa’s Kino est tot” were stuck everywhere, “We didn’t actually know what we meant by them […] We only knew that there were no films being produced in Germany that interested us […] On our own, most of us would never have dared for the first time to admit that we dreamed of making feature films […] The film industry was such a closed business […] Following] the stir we caused at Oberhausen […] We were obliged to organise and to develop our ideas […] Politically we weren’t up to it […] We were such a motley group of individuals […] The one concept that did develop was that of an auteur cinema. The one person who played an absolutely central part during those years was Alexander Kluge.”

“Kluge was characterised in the press as the group’s chief ideologue, and from the start there was a certain friction. He tried unsuccessfully to enlighten the group, to give it a political consciousness but there was always hostility within the group. It was important that this shouldn’t become public knowledge, and that’s one reason why Kluge did the political lobbying on his own […] giving rise to the suspicion] that Kluge would have some influence on how it was spent. So people started working against one another.” 



Daniele Huillet, Jean-Marie Straub

Unlike the new French directors whom they so admired, the Oberhausen generation, isolated from one another in their modest professional activities as filmmakers, lacked not only the practical experience of working together on so much as a magazine, but also the forum for pooling and developing their ideas which 
Cahiers du Cinéma had represented for the French. Which is not to suggest that the nouvelle vague was, either in its inception or expression, a political movement (its political preoccupations were largely confined to the politique des auteurs), but simply that it was a movement, at least in its early stages. The trust and friendship born of a collectively developed aesthetic were strong enough to prompt its exponents, during those early stages, to assist each other in raising budgets, mostly within the private sector (Dawson 15). 

Dawson also suggests that the basic competitiveness of the young Germans was not surprising given that the only uniting factor was a common desire for self-expression “their interests - or self-interests - might be seen as parallel rather than identical: they were impatient to work as artists; but (with the ever-honourable and far-sighted exception of Alexander Kluge, who was also a qualified lawyer) were unaware that being an artist, especially in an expensive medium, already represents a political position; or that, in order to become artists, they might first need to become politicians. Individualism was, after all, a major element of the literary and philosophical inheritance they were anxious to reclaim.”

Edgar Reitz

The Manifesto was not a plea for admission into the current system, it was a denunciation of the system and a demand for an alternative to the poor quality of current German films and at their lack of relevance to contemporary life.  As such it made a substantial impact on policy-makers as an organised rather than individual protest by filmmakers instead of critics as well as an argument for cultural rather than fiscal intervention (Elsaesser 24). 

“The legacy of Oberhausen was set in motion by the development of a film culture” (Elsaesser 27). To provide an opportunity for new filmmakers to acquire a knowledge of film - its theory and history as well as its practice - in 1962 Kluge and Reitz launched Germany’s first film school at Ulm -  Berlin followed in 1966, and Munich in 1967. The Ulm school was guided by what Reitz described as “the same mixture of crusading and academic spirit which characterises so much of Kluge’s creative work […] A new generation needed a new formation and the student-teacher relationship had to be abolished as well” (ibid 16).  The school was set up initially without state subsidy or professional help of any kind but soon its work was indirectly subsidised in that student films received public funding. In the wake of Oberhausen, parallel with the schools, a number film and television archives were founded. 

The Kuratorium for Young German Film, “unquestionably the major achievement of the Oberhausen initiative” (ibid), was established in 1965 as a government funded organisation to subsidise the work of young filmmakers. “The scheme implied a notion of film as an artwork and an act of self-expression […] and only secondarily in its possibility of circulating as a commodity.” Elsaesser points out that “in this respect, the Young German Film was distinct from other comparable art cinemas, such as the nouvelle vague in France, whose films functioned as alternative products, but within a more or less traditional film industry […] By contrast, Young German films were made with a far less assured sense of an actual audience, and often bore little reference explicitly or implicitly to national or international film culture” (ibid 24). 

Werner Herzog

The early films of Syberberg or Herzog, for instance, were to a remarkable degree objects sui generis, outside any recognisable tradition of film-making either commercial  or avant garde. Kluge’s essays on celluloid, and even Jean-Marie Straub’s or Vlado Kristl’s films* seemed, in contrast to the French film directors’ love of cinema, inspired by what one might call ‘cinephobia’’, a revulsion against the commercial film industry and its standard product, the fictional narrative film 
(25).. 

In one year, 1965-66, ten first feature films were made although not without serious unavoidable rivalry, as Reitz noted, between the filmmakers. For a start the distributors did not want 10 films only 4 or 5. There was also no provision for progression from first feature to second and continuing resources for long term. Some films did well but not well enough to replenish the coffers of the Kuratorium: “after the first flush of ingenuous rapture, the rude awakening.” Despite the reduction in its budget the Kuratorium  in 1971 contributed to first films, among others, by Ula Stockl (Das goldene Ding/ The Golden Stuff ) and Wim Wenders (Die Angst des Bormann’s bien Elfmeter/ The Goalkeeper’s Fear of the Penalty Kick).

The realist trend in the New German Cinema began in 1966 with Alexander Kluge, Volker Schlöndorff, and Peter Fleischmann (Hunting Scenes in Lower Bavaria}. The breakthrough came when Kluge received multiple awards, including the Silver Lion, for Abschied von Gestern/ Yesterday Girl at the 1966 Venice Biennale followed by the favourable reception at Cannes of Ulrich Schamoni's Es/ It, Volker Schlöndorff's Der Junge Torless/The Young Torless and Jean-Marie Straub's Nicht Verschont/Not Reconciled”  (Sandford 13). In contrast to the French New Wave which soon integrated into the mainstream while rejuvenating it in the process, hardly any attempt was made by the established German producers to finance the rebel filmmakers, nor was there any attempt by the old guard to reform the industry from the inside” (Anton Kaes ‘Oxford World Cinema’ ed Nowell-Smith 616). 

‘Opas Kino’ (Grandad’s Cinema) did not welcome the Kuratorium “whose sponsorship of no fewer than twenty films in the first three years looked to [the industry] like unfair competition” (Sandford 14). Over the next two years, legislation - the 1967 Film Subsidy Bill - was pushed through that reinforced the domination of the commercial cinema. Funding of the second film was based on the box office returns of the first. This encouraged the production of genre series and sex films rather than innovative art narratives. Television - diversely structured and all public, originally the enemy of cinema, provided the outlet for feature films by young directors. A Film/Television Agreement in 1974 had a provision for grants for the realisation of promising film scripts something that the Kuratorium had been looking at for some time. 

This lack of cooperation between the old and the new continued to be the situation in the following decades. It was through a system of various forms of federal government, state and city support over the years and from the mid-70s also by television. This enabled artistic ambitions of the filmmakers of the Young German and the New German Cinema to be realised although not without a corresponding sense of obligation on the part of these filmmakers “particularly since the film audience in Germany showed shockingly little interest in the New German Cinema.” The state-subsidised, 'artistically ambitious' German film had, more than in any other country, “accepted a secret cultural task: to present New Germany to the rest of the world through the mirror of its films” (ibid 16)

Wim Wenders

Elsaesser notes that the major problem with the films sponsored by the Kuratorium in the years between 1964 and 1971 was the absence of a distribution strategy into which the films might have fitted. “Given that they were made outside the commercial system, and given the exhibition system in Germany for non-Hollywood distributed products, the Young German Film existed in a vacuum in the home market” (23). Launching films by filmmakers like Schlondorff and Reitz that might have met conventional expectations would have required a sizeable publicity effort which distributors were not willing to undertake. By 1971 more than 30 feature films produced with public money had failed to find any form of exhibition other than at film festivals in the presence of the director. 

From 1969 onwards recognising distribution as the pressing problem for independent film-makers the Kuratorium set aside a fund for film promotion. A group of directors pooled their resources for distribution, founding the ‘Filmverlag der Autoren’ to enter the market directly in the hybrid role as producer/distributor which financially soon became “a learning process for everyone involved” (Dawson 20).

Neither the Young German Films of the 1960s nor its successor, the New German Cinema of the 1970s, “was ever a school or unified movement, but rather a loose alliance of autonomous auteurs who had little in common except their status as outsiders” (Kaes 616 ed. Nowell-Smith). Most of them were inexperienced, often self-taught, who aspired to more than conventional story-telling and “agreed in their criticism of German society, of its capitalism, conformity and complacency.” (ibid). In the case of the New German Cinema what was up to the 70s in Germany an unfashionable interest in an Autorenkino, shifted internationally - initially most prominently in Fassbinder, Herzog and Wenders, directors who had begun making films in the late 60s free of many of the constraints of commercial production. The mid 70s saw the consolidation of the reputation of New German Cinema internationally.

* Vladislav “Vlado” Kristl (1923-2004), Croatian filmmaker, poet, painter and performance artist best known for his animated films, pioneer of the Zagreb School of Animation.

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Previous entries in this series can be found if you click the following links

 

Sixty Years of International Art Cinema: 1960-2020 - Tables and Directors Lists to Accompany Bruce Hodsdon's Series

 

Notes on canons, methods, national cinemas and more

 

Part One - Introduction

Part Two - Defining Art Cinema

Part Three - From Classicism to Modernism

Part Four - Authorship and Narrative

Part Five - International Film Guide Directors of the Year, The Sight and Sound World Poll, Art-Horror

Part Six (1) - The Sixties, the United States and Orson Welles

Part Six (2) - Hitchcock, Romero and Art Horror

Part Six (3) - New York Film-makers - Elia Kazan & Shirley Clarke  

Part Six (4) - New York Film-makers - Stanley Kubrick Creator of Forms

Part Six (5) ‘New Hollywood’ (1) - Arthur Penn, Warren Beatty, Pauline Kael and BONNIE AND CLYDE

Part Six (6) Francis Ford Coppola: Standing at the crossroads of art and industry

Part 6(7) Altman

6(8) Great Britain - Joseph Losey, Lindsay Anderson, Karel Reisz, Richard Lester, Peter Watkins, Barney Platts-Mills

6(9) France - Part One The New Wave and The Cahiers du Cinema Group

6(10) France - Part Two - The Left Bank/Rive Gauche Group and an Independent

6(11) France - Part Three - Young Godard

6(12) France - Part Four - Godard:Visionary and Rebel

6 (13) France Part 5 Godard with Gorin, Miéville : Searching for an activist voice

6(14) France Part 6 - Creator of Forms - Bresson 

6 (15) France Part 6 - Creator of Forms - Jacques Tati

 6 (16) - Part 6 - Creator of Forms - Carl Th Dreyer

6 (17) - Italy and Luchino Visconti

6(18 - Italy and Roberto Rossellini - Part One

6(19) - Rossellini, INDIA and the new Historical realism

6(20) - Rossellini in Australia

6 (21) - Italy - Michelangelo Antonioni

6 (22) - Italy - Federico Fellini, Ermanno Olmi

6 (23) - Italy - Pasolini, Rosi

6 (24) - Interregnum - Director/Auteur/Autoren